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Rudaw

Opinion

Iraq’s Sunnis: The choice between ISIS and Shiite militia

By Victoria Fontan 3/3/2015
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Yesterday, the Iraqi army launched its biggest offensive against the Islamic State (ISIS) since the fall of Mosul last June. Prime Minister Abadi announced that the towns of “Samarra, Dhuluiya, Balad, Dujail, al-Alam, al-Door, and Tikrit” would be liberated from ISIS.

It is odd that the town of Dhuluiya was mentioned in Abadi’s declaration, since the Iraqi army already liberated it in December 2014.

Dhuluiya was always an interesting city. Notorious for providing a high number of army and intelligence officers to the Saddam regime, it became the most important Sunni town to stand up to ISIS in late June 2014. A bloody siege ensued, where the Northern part of the city was occupied by ISIS, and its Southern part was sealed off by the Shiite Badr brigades.

During those fateful months, people were hungry, shelled from every part, and the wounded could only leave their city by crossing the Tigris River bordering it. During the siege, 126 corpses were buried in people’s gardens, as they could not reach the cemetery, which was on the frontline, and could not be extracted from the city’s main entrance controlled by the Shiite militias. To sustain the siege, weapons and ammunition were sent across the Tigris River by Shiite civilians from the neighboring town of Balad, who knew they were next in line to suffer from ISIS if Dhuluiya fell.

During that time, the city was the only “peace” town in Iraq, a Sunni city supported by its Shiite neighbor in the midst of a grave sectarian crisis induced by the brutal Baghdad government.  Yet its siege was reminder of the fate that awaits the communities that choose to stand above terrorism, whether it is sectarian or extremist-based. At the time when the international community was debating what to do against ISIS, it crossed nobody’s mind to actively help Sunni communities fighting ISIS.

Up until December 2014, which is when Dhuluiya’s Jibouri tribe asked Baghdad for help against ISIS, it was also under siege for standing in defiance to the government’s perceived dictatorship against Sunni Muslims. What seems to escape the mind of every self-appointed Islamic State specialist is that ISIS was not born in a vacuum. The population support it fed on as it took one Sunni town after another was based on years of brutal sectarian reprisals by the then Maliki government, a government supported by the United Nations and the US government until the siege of Mosul.

So what exactly happened after the “liberation” of the city? In January, five neighbouring villages were burned by Shiite militias: Tal-Ampson, Ishaki, Aziz Balad, Tal al-Dahab and Yathib. Those villages were not targeted because they had sided by ISIS, they had just been reluctantly occupied by ISIS.

In Dhuluiya itself, the population has been increasingly weary of the Shiite militia presence controlling access to the city. Two weeks ago, they abducted two residents before being arrested and pushed back out by the town’s police chief. Another militia exclusively from Iran, the Brigades al-Khorassani, are routinely victimizing residents coming in and out of the city, by shooting randomly at cars, stopping motorists, humiliating them, occasionally torturing the most unfortunate of them, etc.

Given this context, one wonders how the population of Dhuluiya would have been treated if it had sided with ISIS. Would it have been left to be burned by militia that do not have to comply with International Humanitarian Law, since they are not a regular army?

The story of Iraq is not only that of ISIS, but that of a sectarian war that is still raging between Sunni and Shiite. What has been happening since the “liberation” of Dhuluiya is a cautionary tale for the inhabitants of cities that have not stood up to ISIS, and that the Iraqi government is proposing to “liberate” now.

When one is caught between a rock and a hard place, the French have an interesting saying. They joke that one is given the choice between contracting the plague or cholera. So what exactly are the people of Samarra, Balad, Dujail, al-Alam, al-Door, and Tikrit supposed to choose, ISIS or the al-Khorassani Brigades?

Victoria Fontan is Interim Chair of the Politics and Public Policy Department at the American University Duhok Kurdistan.

The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the position of Rudaw.

Comments

 
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Neither Gods, Nor slavery | 3/3/2015
Religions are poisone and dangerous as plague or cholera that's why it's important stand against religious myths and get rid of the conditions that produce and needs religions to divide and rule poor people with iorn fists and barbarism.
kardox | 3/3/2015
Victoria’s article pinpoint the crux of the Iraqi political and ethnical crisis. Major offensive aiming the recapture of Tikrit province under Iranian military commando, is deemed and doomed to deepen the already developed crisis of IRAQ. Current authority in Bagdad perceived by Iraqi Sunni as the extended hand of Iran which whom they have been in a bitter war for many years. This apparent and undeniable fact provided the breeding ground for ISIS that recently become the major factor of instability not just in Iraq but in the whole region and even worldwide. Victoria courageously touches one of the most important issue pertaining to the current Iraqi crisis which have been put into oblivion, deliberately in my opinion. Therefor I congratulate Victoria for her understanding and her brave expression of her mind.
Ahmed | 3/3/2015
Lies lies lies.... Stop misleading people..patriotic Shittes, sunnis, kurds,turkmen, christians, yazedes are all standing side by side agaisnt Isis... Iraqis are one!
Hersh | 3/3/2015
Baghdad(Iran) is not satisfied with having 800,000 militiamen, now they're trying to recruit amongst Kurdish minorities such as Fali and Ezidi Kurds. Again, Kurds are alone in being the voice of reason in Iraq, we've been warning of the consequences of the sectarianism for a long time, and now of the militias. But even powers from the international community are pressuring Kurdish authorities to let minorities such as Ezidi and Christians to have militias in Kurdistan when they can enroll in the Peshmerga anytime. The same calamity facing the rest of Iraq described in the article will spread to the stable Kurdish region if we don't ban militias.
Flaminco | 3/3/2015
Excellent article, Malaki caused this and Abadi has made it MUCH worse, the Iranians have tightened their grip, there are thousands of Iranian shia militias pouring into Iraq every month. I see no other option than a united Kurdish-Sunni front to deal with this Iranian occupation.
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