It was, however, unexpected that Turkey, a NATO member, might one day declare war on them, violate international borders to attack the Kurds in Afrin with the latest technological military equipment.
Right from the beginning of the conflict, the PYD was quick to understand Ankara’s fascism and conclude that Turkey is the source of a bigger threat and danger than the Syrian regime.
The Kurdish problem in Rojava is with Syria though, not other countries. Yet, the PYD didn’t expect Turkey’s military adventures to reach this level – directly entering the conflict to achieve what it couldn’t through its proxies.
It is clear that Turkey doesn’t want another Kurdish administration to take root on its borders, but not because Rojava Kurds are aligned with the PKK, as Ankara has argued. Turkey would show the same position toward Rojava even if the Kurds there were against the PKK.
Turkey doesn’t want another Kurdish administration to be established in another neighboring country because it knows that the experience of self-governance in Rojava will have a direct impact on the Kurds in northern Kurdistan (Kurdish areas of Turkey).
Turkey was expected to continue its war against the PYD through Turkish-aligned armed Kurds, Turkmen and Arabs of the region and terrorist groups in Syria.
Turkey wants to continue the fight against the PYD in order to create instability that could prompt regional and international actors to accept its proposal to form de-escalation zones as a roadmap for Syria.
Ankara wants to achieve its objectives through this operation that violates international law. On the one hand, it wants to pave the way for its proxy-armed groups in Syria to control more territory on the border with Turkey. On the other hand, it wants to use this operation as pressure on the key players involved in Syria.
That is, Turkey wants to push these players to accept de-escalation zones as de facto and as a means of preventing a bigger war. Turkey wants to bring areas run by the Kurds under its control, using them later to draw concessions from the Syrian regime.
The Kurds should learn from the implications of these events. In our relations with neighboring countries and world elites, we should ponder whether the Kurds have true friends. How long are we going to be in disagreement?
Can we support each other? Can we merge multiple Kurdish armed forces in the four parts of Kurdistan into a united Kurdish force that has willpower, especially now with Kirkuk and Afrin proving to us there is no one to protect us other than ourselves?
The presence of multiple Kurdish armed forces in Rojava has been a controversial issue for years. For example, the PYD doesn’t allow Roj forces which are associated with the ENKS and backed by the Kurdistan Region’s KDP to return to Rojava. The events that happened in Kobani, its five-year war on terror, and the current war in Afrin showed that the more meaningful policy is one of a unified Kurdish force.
If there were two different armed forces in Afrin, one might have collaborated with Turkey in a bid to defeat the other rival force. Can we learn from this? Can the forces of Roj, YPJ, and YPG unify in order to eliminate the possibility of armed rivalry?
It is important that all steps are taken to build trust and pride among the Kurds, especially now that the Kurdish national pride in Iraq has been broken and we faced political and military defeats following the October 16 events that led to the loss of half of Kurdistan’s territory to Baghdad.
Kurds in the south need to rise up again and the future of Afrin and the success of Kurdish will over Turkey will restore Kurdish pride. If this happens, it will have an impact on the future of Turkey and its stance on the Kurdish question in the country.
That is, what is going on in Afrin doesn’t only affect the future of the Kurds in Rojava. It is a question on which the fate of all Kurds depends.
If the Kurds want to keep their feet on the ground, Afrin shouldn’t be allowed to fall. And the duty of protecting the city is not only on the shoulders of the courageous men and women who are confronting the region’s biggest and most oppressive force.
There are many ways to help Afrin withstand the Turkish operation. For example, by holding an emergency meeting on the situation of Afrin, decrying the Turkish offensive and officially calling on Ankara to stop its offensive in a statement, the Kurdistan parliament can make a difference.
Moreover, the Kurdish diaspora can take to the streets of Europe to demand a UN resolution to stop the Turkish invasion. The PKK can also open new fighting fronts inside Turkish territory in order to reduce the might and weight of Turkish military on Afrin because it is likely that Turkey might expand its frontlines to Kobani, al-Bab and Manbij to undermine the capacity of the Kurds to fight.
The media should also pay particular attention to crimes committed by the Turkish army against women, children and civilians. That is, media outlets should produce daily reports on these crimes and share them with international bodies.
The Kurds should also invite the international community to investigate the use of illegal weapons fired by long-range artillery and aircraft. They should do all they can to defeat Turkey’s unjust attacks.
After the independence referendum and October 16 events, the Kurds can survive with pride if Afrin comes out of the war victorious.
