by Suren Jamal
SULAIMANI, Kurdistan Region – With the largest number of voters in the Kurdistan Region, Sulaimani province is hot election territory. Experts and politicians credit this to the province’s cultural and political history, but argue it could hurt the area eventually.
“In Sulaimani, the existence of a culture of competition and different opinions are reasons why most of the political competition is here, and the existence of competition reflects this culture,” Adnan Osman, former Gorran MP and journalist, told Rudaw.
Osman argues that Sulaimani was an important center of Kurdish nationalism and history throughout the century, especially in the 1960’s.
“The first Kurdish government was Sheikh Mahmoud’s government in Sulaimani. An important representation of ministers and intellectuals are from Sulaimani. The biggest and continuous Kurdish newspaper was based in Sulaimani,” Osman explained.
Sheikh Mahmoud led uprisings against the British Mandate of Iraq in Sulaimani, establishing the first, though brief, Kurdish government, of which he declared himself king.
Osman compared Sulaimani to Erbil province, where the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) enjoys widespread support.
“KDP’s way in Erbil has been a coercive style to an extent and has been driven by control and centralization. It has left minimal space for any type of free expression, but this has been less so in Sulaimani due to its long history,” he detailed.
Alan Mumtaz Noory, a professor of social sciences at the American University of Iraq, Sulaimani (AUIS), argues that Sulaimani has a political culture that is hostile to authoritarianism.
“Based on the principle of differences, the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan attempted to exhibit a very, very bold cultural and political alternative to the Kurdistan Democratic Party, but it was not able to succeed in this process, nor was it able to continue in the KDP’s old way,” Noory said.
The PUK attempted to present itself as progressive in its social values, whilst portraying the KDP as backward and tribal, Noory explained.
The PUK has failed in this quest, according to the professor.
Noory, however, does not credit PUK with Sulaimani’s more politically open culture. As a centre of resistance against Britain and the home of two uprisings, Sulaimani has a history of political activism.
“In Sulaimani, grass roots movements are stronger than elsewhere,” he explained, while contending that in Erbil the KDP has suppressed the population.
"The repressive politics of the Kurdistan Democratic Party plays an essential role in putting down any movement of the people," he said.
The PUK has not maintained its dominance in its heartland, unlike the KDP. In 2009, after internal disputes, Nawshirwan Mustafa left the party and created Gorran. In its first election, Gorran gained twenty-five seats in the Kurdistan Region Parliament and became the biggest opposition faction in the legislature.
Gorran has not, however, been able to gain a foothold outside of Sulaimani.
“There were a lot of efforts, and in reality Gorran was not able to take the competition to Erbil because Gorran was from Sulaimani,” explained Osman, noting that the party’s main characters hail from Sulaimani.
In this election year, Sulaimani is again witnessing the most discontent. Osman described the province as a “symbol of protesting.”
The Coalition for Democracy and Justice (CDJ) is a newly formed breakaway from the PUK, led by former KRG Prime Minister Barham Salih. The party is hoping to extend its reach beyond Sulaimani.
“We have decided not to be just a local force and to work in all of Kurdistan,” CDJ spokesperson Doctor Rebwar Karim, told Rudaw, adding that evidence of their efforts will be evident soon.
He argued that the media has made them appear as solely a Sulaimani party. “We held the founding congress in Sulaimani and the first congress of the Coalition will be held in Erbil,” he said.
A newcomer on the political scene, Shaswar Abdulwahid Qadir, a former businessman, established the New Generation Movement in January of this year. They held their first party congress in Sulaimani.
Qadir himself was arrested amid the December anti-government protests that raged largely throughout Sulaimani and Halabja.
No one from the New Generation Movement was willing to comment to Rudaw for this report.
Professor Noory does not predict CDJ or the New Generation Movement will see much electoral success because the province will again be dominated by protest.
“It is a big delusion to believe that Shaswar Abdulwahid or Dr. Barham will be able to do anything in Kurdish politics. Sulaimani’s voice is a voice of protest. I believe that in the elections ahead of us, the biggest votes will be those of Sulaimani voters who will not participate in the upcoming elections,” he explained.
Political plurality is considered a sign of a strong democracy, but some argue the heated competition could hurt Sulaimani.
“Certainly this division of Sulaimani will harm Sulaimani first, preventing a big force from being formed here that could represent Sulaimani,” according to Osman, who foresees Sulaimani unable to form a strong bloc in the Kurdistan Region Parliament.
Dr. Bayad Jamal Ali, a university professor and entrepreneur, agrees.
“Certainly the main loser from this political confusion and multi-party of Sulaimani is Sulaimani itself. In the past couple of years, the forces in Sulaimani have not been able to make an important decision that would benefit Sulaimani,” Ali argued.
Noory posited that Sulaimani would not vote for people who have been in government for the last 26 years, in reference to Barham Salih, and agreed that the loudest voices in Sulaimani may be those boycotting the election.
He says the people will send a clear message to the parties.
