Rojava will survive, integration with Damascus underway: PYD leader

ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - A senior official from the ruling Democratic Union Party (PYD) said that the Kurdish region of northeast Syria (Rojava) will continue to exist despite political pressure, military threats, and attempts to dismantle its autonomous structures.

In an interview with Rudaw's Dilbixwin Dara in Qamishli on Sunday, Aldar Xelil said “Rojava is a reality and cannot be eliminated. It has its process of struggle; hardships are seen, there are attacks, and attempts are made to eliminate it. But as long as this struggle continues, Rojava will always exist.”

Xelil said the Kurdish-led administration does not seek separation from Syria, but rather aims to play a central role in shaping the country’s future. “We are not separate from Syria and Damascus; we are together,” he said, describing the Rojava project as one that is evolving into “a project for all of Syria” based on democracy, stability, and coexistence.

Commenting on the recent agreement of the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) with Damascus after weeks of intense clashes, Xelil said governance in the region would be based on integration rather than confrontation.

He confirmed that Nour al-Din Ahmed has been nominated and approved as governor of Hasaka, stressing that legitimacy comes from public acceptance rather than titles. “What is more important is not just the person who governs, but the system in general,” he said.

On Friday, SDF reached a “comprehensive agreement” with Syria’s transitional government in Damascus, which includes allowing security forces affiliated with the Ministry of Interior to enter the northeastern cities of Hasaka and Qamishli.

The agreement stipulates that government forces will enter the Kurdish-controlled northeastern cities of Hasaka and Qamishli, while three army brigades will be formed from SDF forces.

On the military front, Xelil said the SDF will remain intact while becoming part of the Syrian army’s formal structure.

“This force will be preserved,” he said, adding that “the only change is that they will officially become part of the Syrian army.” He noted that existing SDF commanders would retain their roles under the new arrangement.

Xelil also emphasized that the agreement with Damascus does not resolve the Kurdish issue, which he said must be addressed politically and constitutionally.

“This agreement… does not mean the Kurdish cause is solved,” he said, calling for Kurdish participation in drafting a new Syrian constitution to guarantee rights related to language, education, and local governance.

The following is the full transcript of the interview with Aldar Xelil:

Rudaw: Will Rojava [northeast Syria] remain or not?

Xelil: Where are you right now?

I am in Rojava.

Well, Rojava is a reality and cannot be eliminated. It has its process of struggle; hardships are seen, there are attacks, and attempts are made to eliminate it. But as long as this struggle continues, Rojava will always exist.

So, is northern and eastern Syria gone?

Syria as a whole will remain. Meaning, our project was to become a project for all of Syria; until now, we were limited to northern and eastern Syria, but in this process, we are making our project one for all of Syria. We must build a new Syria, a democratic Syria, through which Rojava [west] of Kurdistan is protected and where, in a democratic Syria, we can live in stability, freedom, and peace.

Do you believe in a democratic Syria? Do you believe Syria can become a democratic Syria?

Previously, the history of Syria was entirely like that. Syria is fundamentally the cradle of civilization, and if you go back to the ancient history of Syria, which dates back thousands of years, the peoples who lived in it, the cultures that are now emerging in studies and archaeological sites, it shows how important and multicultural a place Syria was and that history started there. I believe we can return that authenticity of Syria to the culture of ancient Syria, which is one of democracy. Let us not evaluate it only based on these last 100 years after Sykes-Picot and Lausanne. In other words, let’s look at history; the reality of Syria is this, and we believe we will return Syria to its own brilliance.

Alright, Comrade Aldar, I also want to know this: we said Rojava will remain, but who do you say will govern Rojava? Will you govern it, or Damascus?

Look, these are two sides. First: the reality of Rojava as a geography with all its components and truths is something no one can deny or eliminate in itself, no matter how much they try to destroy it. It will not be eliminated. But we are not separate from Syria and Damascus; we are together.

On one hand, we preserve our own autonomous identity, but on the other hand, we work with Damascus. Perhaps the current rule in Damascus is not to our liking, perhaps we have criticisms of it, perhaps some things have not been declared yet, the Syrian constitution hasn't been rewritten yet, an election hasn't been held, and a permanent government hasn't been formed - all of these are processes in front of us and will become part of the agenda and the struggle in the coming stages.

When you seek freedom and want to achieve your rights, everything doesn't happen overnight, but you cannot separate things from one another. If you take Rojava separately from Syria like that, the meaning of Rojava becomes very ineffective and weak. But when the reality of Rojava exists alongside a united, democratic Damascus and Syria, then Rojava can become a leading force in a region that leads the culture of democracy in Syria.

You signed an agreement with Damascus, and many questions have arisen in people's minds: will Syrian government forces really enter Rojava? Will the security forces enter? Will the region be governed militarily and securely by you, or will Syrian government forces, Syrian intelligence, and Syrian internal security really enter the cities of Rojava?

You know how it is. Those who are in Damascus now and say they are coming here, who are they? Are they not Syrians? Well, we are Syrians too! Is that not so? At that time, it’s not that some people come from outside or from another country; we work together. We call it integration. When you say integration, the institutions that are established are made of the people of this region who take their places within them and represent the state.

In state institutions, the routine affairs of the state are carried out; you work in those institutions, but those who reside and work in them are the sons and the people of this region. Let them manage their own affairs. There are two sides here: one side is the official state institutions, which must have a connection to Damascus; to be in contact with Damascus, a system is set up, and a communication mechanism is created. Alongside this, you have a society that creates the fundamental ground for freedom and democracy; that is the society, not the state system. The state system is only a system for managing some administrative affairs, but your society is the society which is currently organized on the ground.

You will appoint the governor, you will appoint the district managers, you will appoint the security and military officials; who are you nominating for the governor of Hasaka?

There are people now, from the people of the region, patriotic personalities, and well-known figures. The main tasks, both in the ministry and in the governorate and other places - some files have been discussed with Damascus officials. Some files are also still part of ongoing dialogues with political parties and the forces on the ground and with other components who are living together in the region, especially Kurdish parties. We’re holding a national dialogue together. Efforts are focused on how to work together. Although for us, what is more important is not just the person who governs, but the system in general. The people who participate in it, the power that manages the work, to what extent society accepts it or not, can they be helpful or not? What is the benefit of a personality that society does not accept?

Who is that personality you have identified? Everyone is waiting. Who will be the governor?

Although I do not want to mention names…

But names are important. People are looking for names.

Some names have been published in the media.

Are those names correct?

Those names are correct.

Who is it? As an example.

I am sorry, as much as possible, I don't want to make individuals a subject of debate. Why? Because when we say let a patriotic person from this region come, let it be someone known for sacrifice and commitment to the values of the people. Whoever fits these criteria, the person themselves will not be an issue, whether they are the governor, the district governor, or any other duty.

The name is Nour al-Din Khanik [Ahmed] right?

That is correct.

Will he become the governor of Hasaka?

We have presented that name now, and I believe it has been approved.

Did Damascus accept him becoming the governor?

Correct.

I will interrupt you because, truly, do you know why? Because there are many questions, and I want to ask a lot. Who will be the deputy defense minister?

We have presented a name for this post as well. Let me be clearer; Comrade Mazloum [Abdi], as the commander of the SDF, presented a name - a comrade from the command, the name of Comrade Chiya Kobane has been presented.

Has Damascus accepted that name?

Pay attention to this matter; you are asking for names, but why am I not saying them? Because I do not consider it my right to interfere in the duties that Comrade Mazloum performs himself, he should reveal them. As you see, we have such a culture. But I know he presented the name because those in Damascus wanted him to do the job himself, but he refused and appointed a comrade of his. From his command, he presented some names; the name that I believe has been approved is Chiya Kobane.

He will become the deputy defense minister of Syria. Are there other ministries where you will participate or appoint deputies?

There are some matters that are in the points of the agreement; there are some matters that, once you implement the agreement and we work together, that anger and unpleasant treatment will disappear and the guns will go silent. Truly, we should also feel that Damascus is our capital and we can go and come comfortably, and they should feel that whenever they want to come here, they don't need to ask for permission or be blocked.

When that is done, not only ministries, but even those directorates and centers in Damascus can be worked in. Fundamentally, there is a problem where everyone only asks about first-rank duties, but the ranks and positions below them are also very important. The first rank represents it, but those with him - if they don't work well, that minister won't be successful in his work.

How are your relations with Turkey? I know they weren't good before; how are your relations now?

Now, after leader Apo [Abdullah Ocalan] started a [peace] process on February 27 and made a call for a phase of peace and a democratic society, slowly the stance of the Turks - due to the new process - is such that they are forced to review some issues and matters. Meaning, the region is heading toward change; the situation of Israel is changing, Lebanon's situation is changing, Iraq's situation is changing, Syria's situation has changed, Iran's situation is on the agenda, and also the situation of the Kurds and the Kurdish movement toward the Turks is changing.

I believe the Turks, in order for this process not to be ruined, also do not want the previous hostile situation to be repeated. We also know this on our side; no matter how much we agree with Damascus, with America, with France, with regional states and others, if the Turkish state is not satisfied in return, some matters will remain incomplete. Therefore, both sides have such a vision that complements each other. We tried, and they tried, to eliminate that spirit of hostility between us.

Is there direct dialogue without a mediator?

There is.

Do you have any dialogue with Mr. Abdullah Ocalan?

Until now, it has not been established in that direct way, but there have been efforts and requests made to the Turks. It has been requested that our comrades go to Imrali [Prison] and see him. Through meetings and visits with him, they would discuss the current situation and receive his observations and notes. So, there are some efforts in these areas.

Alright, here in Rojava and in the city of Qamishli, a Kurdish delegation was formed. Comrade Aldar, it is very good that there is dialogue with Damascus and you are identifying posts, the governor, and the deputy defense minister, but where is this delegation in this equation? What is its role now?

We have informed the Damascus officials that to talk about the details related to the Kurdish issue, the delegation will come to Damascus. We are currently waiting for their answer. Those in Damascus are forced, if they really want stability to be created and war and conflict not to erupt again, to take up the Kurdish issue and the Kurdish cause.

This agreement that has been made now, its goal is only to create a ceasefire, and there are some matters to implement regarding integration to end the division, but this does not mean the Kurdish cause is solved. The role of this Kurdish delegation in the future will be their main duty to move in that direction.

Will any other party besides you and the SDF take posts in the future Syrian government? For example, the Kurdish National Council (ENKS) and the parties within the ENKS?

It is possible; this is not a problem. We are in a process where our Kurdish delegation was formed in a conference and was designated from there to represent us. When we agree - for example, for a task like this that concerns the Kurdish issue - it is normal that we discuss it among ourselves. I mean us, the ENKS, and the other parties that exist. Those parties we have worked with for years, both the ENKS, the Syriacs, and even the Arab components that worked with the Kurds in the region, don’t we all live in one region?

But you are doing these things without them.

No, the work specific to designating people hasn't been done yet. Only those things that were requested from Comrade Mazloum, in his name and the name of the SDF command, he was asked to designate some people. For example, they told him we will give you a ministry; he said I won't do it and I will send a comrade of mine. They said okay, we will give you the post of governor; again, he said I will designate a comrade of mine. But the others will certainly be discussed.

What will be the job of General Mazloum Abdi if he doesn't take any official post? What will he do?

He is a revolutionary. We are all revolutionaries, we are devoted to this nation and servants of these people; neither I, nor he, nor our other comrades, thought about these things the day we started this revolution.

Will you not take any post? Do you not want to be in the government?

Look, when my organization assigns me a duty and says do this work, I do it as an organizational duty. When we meet within the delegation, and the delegation tells me we give you this duty, I will perform it, and I won't say no. But we have no search for positions. When we started the Rojava revolution, we had our eyes on nothing; we didn't think about our own futures.

From the beginning, we said we have nothing, we have nothing special, and we want nothing, neither in life nor in property. We are devoted to these people and we work for our people and we will continue until the end.

Regarding certificates from schools, universities, and institutes in Rojava, will the Damascus government recognize them? In the future, will the Kurdish language be officially taught in universities and schools?

What has been agreed upon so far is that the current certificates, especially those that have existed since 2014 since the Autonomous Administration was formed, have all been accepted so far and they have no problem with them. How will it be from now on? This is a matter related to a committee from our education [department] and a committee from their ministry of education sitting together and discussing the details.

This has two sides: one side is how this committee makes proposals, and the second side is that the ministry cannot decide alone. It must be fixed in the constitution that Syria accepts such a thing, because if it is not in the constitution, no minister can make changes of his own will. So, the vision is in that direction; we must fix all the details of our nation's life in the constitution that will be rewritten.

That is why I said we will not confine ourselves only to the borders of Rojava or northern and eastern Syria; we must have a role in Damascus, especially having representatives in the constitutional drafting committee, so that we can cement our demands in the constitution.

Three brigades are being formed within a division, and one brigade is in Kobane; what will their numbers be?

This is a military issue, and the military forces can answer. As you saw, this was a deal between the defense ministry and the SDF; there are four brigades, three in Jazira and one in Kobane, but honestly, I don't know the number either, just like you.

Who will command that division and those brigades?

Again, they are SDF commanders.

Meaning the Syrian government will not interfere?

No, this is SDF, and the SDF command existed before.

Will SDF remain?

This force will be preserved. The commands that have managed this force until now will remain the commanders, but the only change is that they will officially become part of the Syrian Army; meaning their identity as SDF will not remain, but they will be known as the Jazira Division of the Syrian Army, and the commanders have been identified.

The SDF command has given the names to the ministry and informed them that these are their commanders. These commands include departments of women within the brigades. There would be a division for women. Others would be general.

The difference for them is that they will leave the city. They will not remain inside the city. For example, the Hasaka force will not go into the city; rather, it will go to Mount Kawkab or Wazir Square or another place. That will be their headquarters, and in times of need and emergency, they will move at the order of the governor or the relevant parties; otherwise, they will be in their own locations.

What will be the situation of Afrin? Let the people of Afrin know that we and you have not forgotten them. When will the siege on Kobane be lifted?

Not just Afrin - Afrin and Sari Kani [Ras al-Ain] as well; these are occupied areas, and they have been discussed. Regarding Sari Kani, the Damascus [officials] haven't gone there; they don't manage it officially, they just came and went, but the area is in the hands of armed forces affiliated with the Turks. The message is this: when the Turks withdraw from there, at that time it will officially become an area belonging to the Syrian state. At that time, Sari Kani and Afrin will no longer have [closed] borders.

The people of Afrin will all normally return to their villages and cities. When they return, the nation is entirely our nation; they will form their own councils, and their own security will be formed by the people of the region under a Syrian identity. No one will come from outside or from another city to become the head of security there or the regional manager; those there will elect someone among themselves. In this way, all areas will return to their natural state.

The siege on Kobane?

The siege must be lifted today.

Will the siege be lifted today? This is very important.

According to the agreement, until the siege is lifted, the steps for integration will not be implemented. Some people need to come from Damascus - a group goes to Kobane, a group comes to Hasaka, and one to Qamishli - to go into those security squares where the regime previously was.

Are they coming tomorrow?

They are coming tomorrow.

Tomorrow, Syrian government forces will enter all three regions of Kobane, Qamishli, and Hasaka?

Some of their groups are coming to coordinate this work, to see how the integration process can be done. Integration is not the work of a day and night; it will take a month. Preparations will be made this month. We are not separate from Syria, and they also say these are our regions and we are together. For example, the Asayish are here; what is their number? Where will they be stationed? Previously, it existed as Autonomous [Administration], but now it has become part of the Syrian system, so at that time we are forced to coordinate.

If there is no coordination and planning, the work won't move. Even some small details exist; for example, these members, until now, their salaries and health needs were provided by the Autonomous Administration, but from now on everything will be linked to Damascus.

Will these employees of yours, under the Autonomous Administration, now receive salaries from Damascus?

Their files will all be linked to the state. They will receive salaries here, but officially their center of work belongs to this state and belongs to Damascus, but all the work will be done within the governorate. It is a local authority, but it belongs to the state. Until now, these employees of the Autonomous Administration, the security staff, and the guards, their records were not in Damascus; they were not officially recognized in Damascus. I mean that from now on, Damascus will deal with them officially.

But many people were wanted by Damascus, and some people are missing; have you discussed compensation and searching for them with Damascus?

How? People from outside here who went missing here?

No, for example, our own people in Rojava who went missing in Damascus, or are in the prisons, or face travel restrictions, or there are captured fighters held by the government; we saw them in Sheikh Maqsood, Ashrafiyeh, Deir Hafir, Raqqa, and Tabqa.

Yes, now the issue of captives is a main issue and is discussed from the beginning. They say when the steps are taken, there will be no problem between us and no hostility either, so at that time why would we keep each other's captives? Truly it is like that. In Deir Hafir, they committed violations. You know our ceasefire was 48 hours, but in the first hour they attacked and the SDF force was not in that state of readiness because they had prepared themselves for a ceasefire, so many people were taken captives.

They have been spoken to now, and they have said they will release them all; recently, they say those are our guests! Well, if they are guests, release them! So, there are some things for building trust between both sides that are a bit sensitive.

Are their captives also with you?

I do not know all the details and statistics.

You want to say this is a military issue.

It is both a security and military issue, but if there are any, they will certainly undergo exchanges.

We talked about some posts like the governor and the deputy Ministers. Will you always appoint those, or in the future will that file fall into the hands of Damascus?

Now, this region must always do it itself. We even have a proposal to write the constitution together. In the constitution, we will make it so that the autonomy here is not just in this way, but broader. This is a struggle.

You said autonomy?

What is autonomy?

Meaning the Autonomous Administration will not remain?

No, no. Autonomy means you possess a specific characteristic. Autonomy means specificity; Suwayda has its own specificity, the coastal region has its own specificity, and here also has its own specificity, Kobane and Afrin the same. They are autonomous, meaning they have autonomy. This must be written in the Syrian constitution - how the Kurdish regions will be. Alright, you don't accept Syria being divided and you have sensitivity toward the name Kurdistan, but its specificities must be protected because this region is not like the other regions.

Should it be protected geographically, administratively, or politically?

Now, geography is more at the forefront because Rojava is not like other regions. Look, in the south [Kurdistan Region], from Zakho, Duhok, and Erbil until you reach Halabja and Sulaimani, there might be a very small number of Arabs or they are guests; here it is not like that. Here, true, perhaps in ancient history it wasn't like this, but now the reality is that our villages are mixed, in the neighborhoods we are neighbors and we cannot separate them from each other.

When we say geographic, perhaps it is better to say geographic; then we and the people of this region and we together, create a system for ourselves and protect our own specificity. We, as Kurds, let us have our own identity, language, and culture and be free in everything, but let there be no hostility between us.

When I came from Semalka [border crossing], the oil fields were working, but this time I saw the gas ones as well, and they were all stopped. Will all this gas and oil fall into the hands of Damascus, or will you have a share in it? This file is very important; how will it be solved?

You know, Dilbixwin, I said this years ago in an interview, maybe eight or 10 years ago. National resources - like oil, airports, public places, border crossings - these are all public. You cannot link them only to one region. Naturally, we don't have our eyes on them being only for our own region. When we say the stability of all of Syria and the existence of all of Syria are important to us, then we say these are also Syrian. But it is also important that from its revenue, the region has a share of its revenue, because it comes from that region. It is important that in the general budget of Syria, this region has a share, but because oil comes from here, a specificity and autonomy must be calculated for it. In these fields there are many details. I don't want to go into all of them now, but I want our nation to know that to protect our rights and achievements, we will struggle without taking a single step back.

Very well, now we are returning from here to Southern Kurdistan, Comrade Aldar. Will we see Syrian Arab employees at Semalka, or will we only see Kurds on the border?

No, you will see exactly the same people you saw when you came, and no change will happen. But it is possible that from Damascus, two or three people come as a delegation and sit there and observe from a room. Like what I remember at Erbil airport, when we came and gave our passports, an employee looked at them, and then another person came and sat in his place. I didn't know if it was like that for you too; sometimes there are two people.

I asked why there are two people? They said one of them is the representative of Baghdad. Meaning there are some procedures they do; it is a normal thing that a representative of Damascus also exists with us, but the staff and the system will remain as they are.