Hezbollah is facing mounting political pressure and internal debate over its weapons as Lebanon’s government moves ahead with a US-backed plan to disarm the group by the end of 2025, a deadline that could redefine the country’s balance of power. Rudaw’s Hevidar Ahmed visited the country to explore the future of Hezbollah and what it means for its supporters.
The government, under international mediation, has endorsed the proposal to establish the state’s monopoly over arms. But Hezbollah, weakened by the loss of top commanders and repeated Israeli strikes, continues to reject disarmament as a concession to Israeli interests.
“We will only hand over our arms to Allah almighty. None other than him,” Hezbollah lawmaker Ihab Hamadeh, told Rudaw, dismissing the government’s plan. He warned that any attempt to disarm the group before Israel’s withdrawal from occupied Lebanese territories would destabilize the country. “There will be no more army. It will fall, it will be gone, finished,” he said, adding that Israel “must be erased from existence.”
Lebanese officials acknowledge the fragile state of the armed forces, which have been under strain since the country’s economic collapse in 2019. “It is true that Lebanon is grappling with economic hardships. However, the armed forces are the ones bearing the brunt the most,” said Adnan Mur’ab, a Lebanese military officer. “The army should remain strong so that the Lebanese state and its institutions can survive. But the government should end corruption in this country.”
Analysts warn that disarming Hezbollah carries major risks. “Naturally, there are very disastrous scenarios,” said Staff Brigadier Andre Abu Ma’shar, a retired army officer. “First and foremost, Israel will intend to destroy the weapons and continue attacks, hoping it will destroy all weapons, using firepower.”
He said Hezbollah must either comply or propose an alternative role for its arsenal. “If Hezbollah does not hand in their weapons, then Hezbollah must present a smart accepted option … to specify how this weapon can protect the Lebanese country and the people,” Abu Ma’shar added.
The debate comes a year after Hezbollah suffered its heaviest blow in decades: a months-long war with Israel that culminated in the September 2024 assassination of its long-time leader Hassan Nasrallah and widespread damage to its military infrastructure. While the November ceasefire halted large-scale fighting, Israeli airstrikes and Hezbollah’s loss of supply routes through Syria continue to erode the group’s capabilities.
Despite the setbacks, Hezbollah remains a powerful political force representing much of Lebanon’s Shiite population. It has sought to project resilience, recently defying a government ban with a public light show in Beirut. Yet with its leadership decimated and its arsenal under threat, the group faces one of the greatest challenges to its role in Lebanese politics since its founding.
The government, under international mediation, has endorsed the proposal to establish the state’s monopoly over arms. But Hezbollah, weakened by the loss of top commanders and repeated Israeli strikes, continues to reject disarmament as a concession to Israeli interests.
“We will only hand over our arms to Allah almighty. None other than him,” Hezbollah lawmaker Ihab Hamadeh, told Rudaw, dismissing the government’s plan. He warned that any attempt to disarm the group before Israel’s withdrawal from occupied Lebanese territories would destabilize the country. “There will be no more army. It will fall, it will be gone, finished,” he said, adding that Israel “must be erased from existence.”
Lebanese officials acknowledge the fragile state of the armed forces, which have been under strain since the country’s economic collapse in 2019. “It is true that Lebanon is grappling with economic hardships. However, the armed forces are the ones bearing the brunt the most,” said Adnan Mur’ab, a Lebanese military officer. “The army should remain strong so that the Lebanese state and its institutions can survive. But the government should end corruption in this country.”
Analysts warn that disarming Hezbollah carries major risks. “Naturally, there are very disastrous scenarios,” said Staff Brigadier Andre Abu Ma’shar, a retired army officer. “First and foremost, Israel will intend to destroy the weapons and continue attacks, hoping it will destroy all weapons, using firepower.”
He said Hezbollah must either comply or propose an alternative role for its arsenal. “If Hezbollah does not hand in their weapons, then Hezbollah must present a smart accepted option … to specify how this weapon can protect the Lebanese country and the people,” Abu Ma’shar added.
The debate comes a year after Hezbollah suffered its heaviest blow in decades: a months-long war with Israel that culminated in the September 2024 assassination of its long-time leader Hassan Nasrallah and widespread damage to its military infrastructure. While the November ceasefire halted large-scale fighting, Israeli airstrikes and Hezbollah’s loss of supply routes through Syria continue to erode the group’s capabilities.
Despite the setbacks, Hezbollah remains a powerful political force representing much of Lebanon’s Shiite population. It has sought to project resilience, recently defying a government ban with a public light show in Beirut. Yet with its leadership decimated and its arsenal under threat, the group faces one of the greatest challenges to its role in Lebanese politics since its founding.
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