UNAMI chief hails Iraq as ‘model’ for elections ahead of mission exit

ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - Iraq has become “an example and a model of elections,” the head of the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI) told Rudaw in a one-on-one interview, highlighting the mission’s role in supporting national and regional ballot as it prepares to conclude its work by the end of December.

Mohammed Al Hassan told Rudaw's Namo Abdulla that UNAMI’s most significant accomplishments were its support for Iraq’s recent legislative elections in early November and its role in helping stabilize the country amid regional turmoil

“Frankly speaking, the most important achievement is that we managed to provide technical support for the elections, both in the Kurdistan Region and also the parliamentary elections in Iraq,” he said.

“Now, Iraq is an example and a model of elections.”

Importantly, the senior UN official underscored that the lingering political and administrative disputes between Baghdad and Erbil are among the most pressing internal issues.

“One of the greatest challenges facing Iraq today is the relationship between the Iraqi political entity,” he said, calling for a mechanism to resolve constitutional misunderstandings.

Nonetheless, he expressed confidence that political leaders will reach agreements both in Baghdad and Erbil. “Absolutely,” he said when asked whether a new Iraqi government is close, adding the same about the Kurdistan Regional Government [KRG]. The delay in Erbil, he said, reflects the keenness of Kurdish leaders to form “a perfect government.”

In June 2014, the Islamic State (ISIS) seized large parts of northern and western Iraq. By August, the group launched a brutal campaign against the Yazidi community in Shingal (Sinjar), killing an estimated 5,000 to 10,000 Yazidi men and older women, and abducting 6,000 to 7,000 women and girls for sexual slavery and human trafficking.

The UN officially recognized the campaign against the Yazidis as a genocide.

During the June 2014 attack, around 400,000 Yazidis were also forced to flee, with most seeking refuge in the Kurdistan Region. Although Iraq declared full liberation from ISIS in 2017, approximately 100, 000 Yazidis remain displaced, mainly in camps in the Region’s northern Duhok province. Their return is chiefly hindered by ongoing security concerns and the presence of various armed groups in Shingal.

The UNAMI chief stressed to Rudaw the need to address the plight of internally displaced persons, stressing, “It’s about time for them to go to normal lives and to their homes in [Shingal] Sinjar.”

Hassan also highlighted the mission’s work on the repatriation of Iraqis from the notorious al-Hol and Roj camps in northeast Syria (Rojava), which house ISIS-affiliated families, and its efforts to help shield Iraq from spillover conflicts.

“We managed to keep Iraq in a safe zone from the conflict or the changes that happened in Syria, and also the conflict between Iran and Israel and the United States, the war, the 12-Day War,” he said.

On June 13, Israel launched a series of airstrikes on Iranian territory, targeting nuclear facilities and killing several high-ranking military commanders and nuclear scientists. Tehran retaliated with missile and drone strikes against Israeli targets.

Tensions escalated further when the United States conducted airstrikes on June 22 against Iran’s Fordow, Isfahan, and Natanz nuclear sites. In response, Iran fired ballistic missiles at the US-operated al-Udeid Air Base in Qatar. A ceasefire, brokered by Washington on June 24, has since been in effect.

In the wake of the war, Iraq on June 13 submitted a formal complaint with the UN Security Council accusing Israel of using its airspace to carry out military attacks on Iran, in what Baghdad said was a "flagrant violation of international law and the UN Charter."

Asked whether UNAMI’s exit is premature given the country’s unresolved issues, Hassan said the decision rests with Iraq. “It’s [up to] the Iraqi people and Iraqi leadership, and when they believe that time has come for them to take things and matters into their hands, they said they would like this mission, the political mission, to end.”

Established by the UN Security Council in 2003, the UNAMI mission is set to conclude on December 31, following a May 2024 request from Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia’ al-Sudani.

The following is the full transcript of the interview with Mohamed Al Hassan:

Rudaw: As UNAMI’s mandate is approaching its end at the end of this year, what do you think was the most significant achievement of UNAMI’s mission in Iraq?

Mohamed Al Hassan: Thank you very much for hosting me. UNAMI had many achievements, but those achievements would not have been possible without the sacrifices and the work by the Iraqi people and the Iraqi leaders all over Iraq. Frankly speaking, the most important achievement is that we managed to provide technical support for the elections, both in the Kurdistan Region and also the parliamentary elections in Iraq. Now, Iraq is an example and a model of elections. It went smoothly, without any problem.

Also, we managed to work with the Iraqis on the repatriation of Iraqis from Al-Hol and Roj [camps]. Another thing: we managed to keep Iraq in a safe zone from the conflict or the changes that happened in Syria and also the conflict between Iran and Israel and the United States, the war, the 12-Day War.

So in your Security Council statement, you mentioned that Iraq still faces some major challenges. Isn’t it too early for UNAMI to leave Iraq while it has a myriad of challenges?

You know, this decision - who makes it? Not the United Nations. It’s the Iraqi people and Iraqi leadership, and when they believe that time has come for them to take things and matters into their hands, they said they would like this mission, the political mission, to end. But it does not mean that the United Nations is giving up on Iraq. No, there will be at least 27-28 specialized agencies working in Iraq.

We just saw this major attack from armed groups on a major gas refinery and gas field in Iraqi Kurdistan that effectively ended nearly 80 percent of the region's electricity supply. The Kurdistan Region largely went dark because of that. I mean, this is really a big threat that Iraq continues to face, and I’m not sure why, at this tim,e Iraq wants UNAMI to leave.

Well, challenges do happen, but how leaders respond to them? The good news is that in very few days, the Kurdistan government managed to restore electricity back, which is light [high] speed, especially in light of the damage that has hit the infrastructures. Also, the Government of Iraq is not responsible for this attack. That’s crucial. The Government of Iraq has taken a promise to do a very open, transparent investigation into this and to hold those accountable and responsible for their act.

With due respect, Dr. Hassan, a lot of people in Kurdistan feel the Iraqi government is responsible, because a lot of these people are on the government’s payroll there. We don't exactly know who did it, but we have a very good suspicion who might be behind it - like Iran-backed militia groups, that’s what everybody suspects.

I’m a diplomat. I don’t go on suspicions. I go on facts. And I think the leadership in Iraq in general, and also in the Kurdistan Region, they would like to establish facts. The government of Prime Minister [Mohammed Shia’ al–]Sudani has indicated that they will ascertain facts, and even toward that regard, they sent the Minister of Interior, Abdul Amir Al-Shammari, to the region and to this area to see these facilities and also to establish a report that would be credible. My advice: don’t come to a prejudgment on the government.

You think people in Iraq don’t know who did this? There’s a saying among the Iraqi people, among the Kurdish people: when you don’t want to solve a problem, you establish a committee to deal with it. Why not just deal with it like a normal crime?

No, I’ll tell you something. In politics, we don’t need to base our decisions on “maybe” or assertions or non-conclusive evidence - that’s a disaster. So I think the course of action that has been asked by the Government of Iraq, with the support of the Kurdistan government, is to ascertain facts. You cannot blame people and just take actions against them, because they could be not the same people that you are indicating or pointing at. So for any government, not only in Iraq, they have to ascertain facts.

What do you think is the single biggest obstacle now for Iraq moving forward?

[In] my discussions and meetings with Iraqi leaders and political leadership, there is always an openness and transparency, because at the end of the day, they love their country. No country in the world could tell you they don’t have problems. Maybe the problems in Iraq are less than in some other countries.

Now, the elections are behind us, and I think there will be an announcement hopefully soon, for the new prime minister and the new government of Iraq. All these challenges that face Iraq, I’m sure they will be addressed. What you saw in 2003 and today is very different. Iraq is a totally different country.

One of the greatest challenges facing Iraq today is the relationship between the Iraqi political entity. The Constitution of Iraq talks about a federal system, and this misunderstanding, including on the salaries of some state officials, we have to resolve this through a mechanism that all the parties will accept and respect. That’s number one.

Number two: there are still some IDPs, internally displaced people - almost a million, especially the Yazidis in Duhok, almost 100,000 - and those people have been there [for] 11 years. It’s about time for them to go to normal lives and to their homes in [Shingal] Sinjar. There is nothing that prevents this from happening.

I’m a true believer in the wisdom of the Iraqi leaders… and also in Kurdistan. I have sat with the very respected leaders of Kurdistan, particularly Kak [President] Masoud [Barzani, Kurdistan Democratic Party leader], Kak Masrour [Barzani, Kurdistan Region Prime Minister], Kak Qubad [Talabani Deputy Prime Minister], Kak Nechirvan [Barzani, Kurdistan Region President], and also Kak Bafel [Talabani, Patriotic Union of Kurdistan leader]- and I hear nothing in this regard except support for resolving these problems and having the best relationship with Baghdad based on the federal system and the constitution of Iraq. And it’s vice versa - I heard nothing against that from Baghdad, especially Prime Minister Sudani and other leaders.

But it’s been nearly a decade since ISIS’ territorial caliphate was defeated, and you’re still talking about more than 100,000 Yazidis living in camps. This is really - I don’t know what word to use - and we’re approaching winter. Who do you really blame for this? Iraq is an oil-rich country with so much wealth. Why is this not being addressed? These people went through a lot already.

Once again, I’m a diplomat. I don’t throw blame against anybody. But I think maybe the priorities of Iraq were different in the last few years, because they just wanted to consolidate peace and security. When a country lacks peace and security, they cannot really do much. Now I could say that Iraq is more secure, more in peace with itself and hopefully with its neighbors. Now they should focus on these problems and try to end them, and there is no doubt in my mind that Iraq is capable of doing that. Having one Iraqi living in a shelter or displaced - that’s not good for Iraq, a country with so much resources.

Now, let’s talk about the government formation. You said that you’re hopeful or optimistic that we’re going to have a government soon in Iraq.

Absolutely.

What makes you so optimistic?

Because that’s the process. The Iraqis accepted elections that would lead to the formation of a government.

What about the results? Were they conclusive enough for a coalition to be formed between like-minded parties?

Yes. There is a huge opportunity for coalitions and for leaders from both aisles coming together on certain platforms. We just need to give it time. That’s all.

The Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) says that they are the biggest political party in Iraq, and they are, by votes. What does that say - a Kurdish party winning so many votes in Iraq?

What’s wrong with that?

I’m just saying, what message does that send?

That’s a good message. It’s an indicator that the system in Iraq allows even the Kurds and others to succeed and do good in votes. It’s a plus, but also an indication that the people of Kurdistan and the leaders of Kurdistan know how to play the political game - very focused, very united - and that’s why the people gave them the support and popularity. It did not come out of the blue. It came out of things they have done, which allowed the people to give them confidence again and again.

We continue to see journalists being harassed, intimidated, and even arrested in both the Kurdistan Region and the rest of Iraq. Maybe more so in the rest of Iraq. Where do you think we are today compared to when UNAMI’s mission started?

You know, journalism is a very tough profession, and those who engage in journalism like you sometimes face challenges and end up in difficult places and tough conditions to report and bring the truth. Iraq is not unique in this. In many other countries also, freedom of expression and freedom of the press is being challenged and constrained. Let’s not isolate Iraq from the rest of the world. Iraq is like other countries. But in my opinion, I believe there is much more freedom of expression and speech in Iraq, much more than many, many other countries.

I would agree with that, yes. Certainly more so than in Turkey.

Maybe. I’m not going to name names. I do believe Turkey has freedom of expression and freedom of the press.

The Kurdistan Regional Government is yet to be formed. It’s been more than a year since we had elections last time. Where do you stand on that?

Some people look at it as a negative, but I don’t look at it that way as an [Special Representative of the Secretary-General] SRSG. I think maybe it reflects how keen the Kurdistan leaders are - they want a perfect government. When you cook something, it takes time to cook something beautiful and right and up to the standard.

You really are a diplomat.

No. No, but that’s the truth. I’ve been engaged with some of the very respected Kurdish leaders, and this is the indication that came to me: they wanted something that will take Kurdistan to another level. They want to make sure those who will become part of the government are well selected, very professional, who can deliver to Kurdistan.

The right people for the right positions?

 Exactly! Don’t look at it in a negative way.

From your conversations with Iraqi Kurdistan leaders, are you hopeful that we’re going to see a Kurdistan Regional Government soon as well?

Absolutely yes. There is no doubt in my mind. Hopefully, soon you will see a Kurdistan government and also an Iraqi government - something that should happen soon, because the people went to the ballot to cast their vote to have leaders. And this is a natural step: they have to form a government that will reflect the wishes, demands, and general will of the people of Kurdistan and of Iraq.

The salaries of the Kurdistan Regional Government’s public servants have been an issue for quite some time. The KRG accuses Baghdad of not sending the budget and salaries. Why do we still have this problem?

This is a very good question. At the end of the day, we at UNAMI respect the internal affairs of Iraq, and we don’t usually get involved in this. But I believe there have to be meetings and negotiations between the Iraqis, because it has not only to do with salaries. It has to do with the whole responsibility of the region, as well as Iraq in general. There are responsibilities on both sides. They have to deliver. The difference is, some of them are saying, “You need to deliver first,” and the other says, “You need to deliver later.”

Let’s talk about your future. What’s left for you to do in Iraq?

What is left - I need to spend a few genuine days in Kurdistan, especially near Erbil and Duhok. It’s an area that I like very much. The people, their food, their culture, their dances, their music, their smile - it really makes me upbeat. Also, I want to go down south into Basra and some of the Nasiriyah region just to see Iraq. I haven’t seen Iraq as I want. I’ve been busy, busy, busy. It’s time for me to reflect on seeing the beauty of this country. Iraq is full of people who are very proud, very cultured, very generous. And I would like to enjoy some time in Iraq in that way.

Rudaw and UNAMI worked together on an important project to help women become journalists. Where do you stand on the broader media landscape in Iraq, and why did you cooperate with Rudaw?

Rudaw is probably one of the most visible media institutions that I saw in Iraq. Frankly speaking, remember, there is no Ministry of Information for Iraq.

Which is a good thing.

Is it? I don’t know. It’s for you to judge. But if you don’t have a Ministry of Information, others have their own media outlets, like political leaders' parties, so they fill the gap. I wholeheartedly believe that Iraq needs to have a Ministry of Information that will look after all of Iraq, not a single party or a single tayyar or hizb [movement and party, in Arabic]. Hopefully, in the days to come that’s going to happen.

But Rudaw has been one of the most active media outlets in Iraq. There are others in Baghdad including- and we at UNAMI, we work very closely with the Iraqi media. The media in Iraq, unfortunately, is very politicized. Each party has its own media outlet. We want to hear - and I believe Iraqis are entitled to that - a media about Iraq, all Iraq, not one group, not one single party, not one single politician. This is what is missing in Iraq: trying to speak for Iraq. There isn’t much difference between an Iraqi in Duhok or an Iraqi in Baghdad or in Basra. They are all Iraqi at the end of the day, and they have the same concerns: peace, education, quality of health - they all aspire for the same.

Maybe my last question - I forgot to ask this earlier when we talked about the Iraqi elections. Your statement was largely positive about the way the elections were conducted. And to be honest, I didn’t see a single criticism of how the elections were held. While you know very well, to many people it didn’t seem that free and fair. For example, in the Kurdistan Region, we had two opposition party leaders in jail while the elections were held. How free and fair are elections when you put political party leaders in prison?

Well, you have to distinguish between the process of elections and the conduct of political parties and political leaders. This is not my saying - even members of the Security Council have applauded the work of [the Independent High Electoral Commission] IHEC. They have done a good job. We did not see a killing incident. We did not see vast violations. Yes, we’ve heard some rumors, some people trying to sell their electoral cards, but that’s very isolated incidents, and they will be dealt with by the Iraqi authorities, including the independent IHEC commission. I don’t think you should put negative doubt on the elections, because internationally, everybody thought it was one of the best elections, not only in Iraq, probably in the region.

This is, I think, a legitimate question: the international community criticized Turkey for putting in jail Selahattin Demirtas, who after winning millions of votes.

I’m not going to answer that.

Isn’t that also a concern when politicians are in jail in Iraq?

I’m an international civil servant. I look for what unites countries. I don’t bash governments. My mandate is Iraq, it’s not Turkey. I respect Turkey, I respect Turkish leadership, and I think what is between Kurdistan and Turkey is much more than you might think - they have so many things…

My question was about Iraq, by the way.

If you talk about some of the leaders that have been put in jail - not during the elections, before the elections - for cases like criminal cases, it has nothing to do with elections. It has to do with business and this. But I trust the wisdom of the legal system in Iraq in general. Hopefully, they will come out. I think you’re talking about [leader of Kurdish opposition New Generation Movement] Shaswar [Abdulwahid] and [Leader of opposition People’s Front] Lahur [Talabany], right?

Yes, you’re right.

And they have gone through the court system. We have our own opinion about the proceedings of these courts. We attended some of these proceedings.

What did you find?

I find that there is another round for this legal system to go, and there is an opportunity for those who think they’ve been in jail for reasons they think are not valid to come back before the court.

So you don’t think they are political prisoners?

I don’t think they are political prisoners. They are politicians, but the cases against them have to do with some business dealings - that’s what I know. And I know Shaswar personally, and I know Lahur also. I met them, I visited them in jail, and the Iraqi authorities in Kurdistan gave me free and unimpeded access to them - to sit with them, to talk to them. And I am very confident in the legal system in Iraq in general.

Dr. Mohammed Hassan, thank you so much for talking to Rudaw, and thank you for your time working to make Iraq a better society for all. Thank you so much.

Thank you.

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